Speech writing made simple

Just in case anyone thought speech writing was actually difficult, try and figure out which Republican President gave this speech about which war...
This gets a bit long, but politicians tend to speak that way. The first few paragraphs are enough for flavor, I just went through the whole thing because...well... I can.

Actual Speech text:

Good evening, my fellow Americans.

Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in _______.

I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about _______ is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.

Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.

How and why did America get involved in _______ in the first place?

How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?

What has really happened in the _______ in ____ and on the battlefront in _______?

What choices do we have if we are to end the war?

What are the prospects for peace?

Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on January 20: The war had been going on for ____ years. _____ thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the _______ was beyond [behind] schedule. ________ Americans were in _______ with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in _____ and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.

The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friends, as well as our enemies, abroad.

In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged that I end the war at once by ordering the immediate withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while _____ was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: This was the only way to avoid allowing _____'s war to become _____'s war.

But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.

Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether ______’s war becomes _____’s war. The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?

Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: Why and how did the United States become involved in _______ in the first place? Fifteen years ago _______, with the logistical support of ______ and the ______, launched a campaign to impose a _______ on _______ by _____ and _____ a revolution.

In response to the request of the ______ of _______, _______ sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of _______ in their efforts to prevent a ______ takeover. Seven years ago, President ______ sent ______ military personnel to _______ as combat _______. Four years ago, President ______ sent American combat forces to _______.

Now many believe that President _____'s decision to send American combat forces to _______ was wrong. And many others, _____ among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.

But the question facing us today is: Now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?

In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from _______ would be a disaster not only for _______ but for the United States and for the cause of peace.

For the _______, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the ______ists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the _____ years before. They then murdered more than ______ people and hundreds of thousands more died in _____ camps.

We saw a prelude of what would happen in _______ when the _____ists entered the city of ____ last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which ______ civilians were ______, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.

With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at _____ would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half _{religious faith}_ refugees who fled to _______ when the ______ists took over in the _{geographic direction}____.

For the United States this _{ordinal number}__ defeat in our nation’s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in _{continent}__ but throughout the world.

Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in _______ and understood what had to be done.

In 19__ President ______ with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said,

"We want to see a stable Government there," carrying on the [a] struggle to maintain its national independence." We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of _{country}_ but _{macro-geographic region}__. So we’re going to stay there."

President ______ and President ______ expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.

For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in _______ without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of world conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle _{cardinal direction}_, in _{major world flash-point city or region}_, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.

For these reasons I rejected the recommendation that I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war fought on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on _{date}_, in a speech before the _{repudiated international body}_, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.

We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within _{time period}_. We have proposed a cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the _____ists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force. And the _{national capital city}_ government has pledged to accept the result of the election.

We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that we’re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of _______ to determine their own future.

At the _{major international city}_ peace conference Ambassador _{name of famous person}_ has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in _{large number}_ public meetings._{"bad" capital"}_ has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of _______ as we leave.

We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements. I recognized in _{month}_ that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum. That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.

Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.

I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for _{diplomatic state}_. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of _______, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement. _{bad guy}_’s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the _{bad guy's international backer}_ furnishes most of the military equipment for _______, Secretary of State _____, my assistant for national security affairs, ______, Ambassador _{same famous person as above}_ and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the _{international backer bad guy}_ Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started. In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with _______.

None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-_{month}_ I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the _{same international city}_ talks. I spoke directly in this office, where I’m now sitting, with an individual who had known _{leader of bad guys}_ on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to _{leader of bad guys}_. I did this outside of the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.

Let me read from that letter to you now:

“Dear _{leader of bad guy's title}_:

I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in _______ has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of _______. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of _______. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face toward peace rather than toward conflict and war."

I received _{bad guy leader}_’s reply on _{date}_, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position _______ had taken at _{international city}_ and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.

In addition to the public meetings that I have referred to, Ambassador _{famous person}_ has met with _______’s chief negotiator in _{international city}_ in _{smaller number}_ private sessions. And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.

But the effect of all the public, private, and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the _{type of military action}_ halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on January 20th, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.

Well, now, who’s at fault? It’s become clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the _______ Government. The obstacle is the other side’s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace. And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.

There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on _{bad guy capital city}_’s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously. I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.

Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front. It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at _{obscure international location}_ on _{date}_. Let me briefly explain what has been described as the _{speaking politician}_ Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in _______ but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future _______s.

We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we’re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy. In _{previous national conflict}_, and again in _______, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the arms, and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against _{overriding international fear, from American point of view}_ aggression.

Before any American troops were committed to _______, a leader of another _{global region}_ country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in _{same global region}_ as a private citizen. He said: “When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, U.S. policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.�

Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in _{same obscure international location}_ three principles as guidelines for future American policy toward _{global region}_. First, the United States will keep all of its treaty commitments. Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security. Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.

After I announced this policy, I found that the leaders of the _{a country in the region}_, _{another country in region}_, _______, _{yet another country in region}_, other nations which might be threatened by ______ist aggression, welcomed this new direction in American foreign policy.

The defense of freedom is everybody’s business -- not just America’s business. And it is particularly the responsibility of the people whose freedom is threatened. In the previous Administration, we Americanized the war in _______. In this Administration, we are _______izing the search for peace.

The policy of the previous Administration not only resulted in our assuming the primary responsibility for fighting the war, but even more significant did not adequately stress the goal of strengthening the _______ so that they could defend themselves when we left.

The _______ization plan was launched following Secretary _____ visit to _______ in March. Under the plan, I ordered first a substantial increase in the training and equipment of _______ forces. In July, on my visit to _______, I changed General _____’s orders, so that they were consistent with the objectives of our new policies. Under the new orders, the primary mission of our troops is to enable the _______forces to assume the full responsibility for the security of _______. Our air operations have been reduced by over 20 per cent.

And now we have begun to see the results of this long-overdue change in American policy in _______. After five years of Americans going into _______ we are finally bringing American men home. By _{date}_ over _{large number, fraction of total troops}_ men will have been withdrawn from _______, including 20 percent of all of our combat forces. The _______ have continued to gain in strength. As a result, they've been able to take over combat responsibilities from our American troops.

Two other significant developments have occurred since this Administration took office. Enemy infiltration, infiltration which is essential if they are to launch a major attack over the last three months, is less than 20 percent of what it was over the same period last year. And most important, United States casualties have declined during the last two months to the lowest point in three years.

Let me now turn to our program for the future. We have adopted a plan which we have worked out in cooperation with the _______ for the complete withdrawal of all U.S. combat ground forces and their replacement by _______ forces on an orderly scheduled timetable. This withdrawal will be made from strength and not from weakness. As _______ forces become stronger, the rate of American withdrawal can become greater.

I have not, and do not, intend to announce the timetable for our program, and there are obvious reasons for this decision which I’m sure you will understand. As I’ve indicated on several occasions, the rate of withdrawal will depend on developments on three fronts. One of these is the progress which can be, or might be, made in the _{international city}_ talks. An announcement of a fixed timetable for our withdrawal would completely remove any incentive for the enemy to negotiate an agreement. They would simply wait until our forces had withdrawn and then move in.

The other two factors on which we will base our withdrawal decisions are the level of enemy activity and the progress of the training programs of the _______ forces. And I am glad to be able to report tonight progress on both of these fronts has been greater than we anticipated when we started the program in _{month}_ for withdrawal. As a result, our timetable for withdrawal is more optimistic now than when we made our first estimates in _{month}_.

Now this clearly demonstrates why it is not wise to be frozen in on a fixed timetable. We must retain the flexibility to base each withdrawal decision on the situation as it is at that time, rather than on estimates that are no longer valid. Along with this optimistic estimate, I must in all candor leave one note of caution. If the level of enemy activity significantly increases, we might have to adjust our timetable accordingly.

However, I want the record to be completely clear on one point. At the time of the _{military action}_ halt just a year ago there was some confusion as to whether there was an understanding on the part of the enemy that if we stopped the bombing of _______, they would stop the shelling of cities in _______.

I want to be sure that there is no misunderstanding on the part of the enemy with regard to our withdrawal program. We have noted the reduced level of infiltration, the reduction of our casualties and are basing our withdrawal decisions partially on those factors. If the level of infiltration or our casualties increase while we are trying to scale down the fighting, it will be the result of a conscious decision by the enemy. _{bad guy capital}_ could make no greater mistake than to assume that an increase in violence will be to its advantage.

If I conclude that increased enemy action jeopardizes our remaining forces in _______, I shall not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation. This is not a threat. This is a statement of policy which as Commander-in-Chief of our armed forces I am making and meeting my responsibility for the protection of American fighting men wherever they may be.

My fellow Americans, I am sure you can recognize from what I have said that we really only have two choices open to us if we want to end this war. I can order an immediate precipitate withdrawal of all Americans from _______ without regard to the effects of that action. Or we can persist in our search for a just peace through a negotiated settlement, if possible, or through continued implementation of our plan for _______ization, if necessary -- a plan in which we will withdraw all of our forces from _______ on a schedule in accordance with our program as the _______ become strong enough to defend their own freedom.

I have chosen this second course. It is not the easy way. It is the right way. It is a plan which will end the war and serve the cause of peace, not just in _______ but in the _{major body of water}_ and in the world.

In speaking of the consequences of a precipitous withdrawal, I mentioned that our allies would lose confidence in America. Far more dangerous, we would lose confidence in ourselves. Oh, the immediate reaction would be a sense of relief that our men were coming home. But as we saw the consequences of what we had done, inevitable remorse and divisive recrimination would scar our spirit as a people.

We have faced other crises in our history and we have become stronger by rejecting the easy way out and taking the right way in meeting our challenges. Our greatness as a nation has been our capacity to do what has to be done when we knew our course was right. I recognize that some of my fellow citizens disagree with the plan for peace I have chosen. Honest and patriotic Americans have reached different conclusions as to how peace should be achieved. In _{major US city}_ a few weeks ago, I saw demonstrators carrying signs reading, “Lose in _______, bring the boys home.� Well, one of the strengths of our free society is that any American has a right to reach that conclusion and to advocate that point of view.

But as President of the United States, I would be untrue to my oath of office if I allowed the policy of this nation to be dictated by the minority who hold that point of view and who try to impose it on the nation by mounting demonstrations in the street. For almost _{approximate age of US}_ years, the policy of this nation has been made under our Constitution by those leaders in the Congress and the White House elected by all the people. If a vocal minority, however fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this nation has no future as a free society.

And now, I would like to address a word, if I may, to the young people of this nation who are particularly concerned, and I understand why they are concerned, about this war. I respect your idealism. I share your concern for peace. I want peace as much as you do. There are powerful personal reasons I want to end this war. This week I will have to sign 83 letters to mothers, fathers, wives, and loved ones of men who have given their lives for America in _______. It's very little satisfaction to me that this is only one-third as many letters as I signed the first week in office. There is nothing I want more than to see the day come when I do not have to write any of those letters.

I want to end the war to save the lives of those brave young men in _______. But I want to end it in a way which will increase the chance that their younger brothers and their sons will not have to fight in some future _______ some place in the world.

And I want to end the war for another reason. I want to end it so that the energy and dedication of you, our young people, now too often directed into bitter hatred against those responsible for the war, can be turned to the great challenges of peace, a better life for all Americans, a better life for all people on this earth.

I have chosen a plan for peace. I believe it will succeed. If it does not succeed, what the critics say now won’t matter. Or if it does succeed, what the critics say now won’t matter. If it does not succeed, anything I say then won’t matter.

I know it may not be fashionable to speak of patriotism or national destiny these days, but I feel it is appropriate to do so on this occasion. Two hundred years ago this nation was weak and poor. But even then, America was the hope of millions in the world. Today we have become the strongest and richest nation in the world, and the wheel of destiny has turned so that any hope the world has for the survival of peace and freedom will be determined by whether the American people have the moral stamina and the courage to meet the challenge of free-world leadership.

Let historians not record that, when America was the most powerful nation in the world, we passed on the other side of the road and allowed the last hopes for peace and freedom of millions of people to be suffocated by the forces of totalitarianism.

So tonight, to you, the great silent majority of my fellow Americans, I ask for your support. I pledged in my campaign for the Presidency to ____ the war in a way that we could win the peace. I have initiated a plan of action which will enable me to keep that pledge. The more support I can have from the American people, the sooner that pledge can be redeemed. For the more divided we are at home, the less likely the enemy is to negotiate at _____.

Let us be united for peace. Let us also be united against defeat. Because let us understand -- _______ cannot defeat or humiliate the United States. Only Americans can do that.

____ years ago, in this room, and at this very desk, President Woodrow Wilson spoke words which caught the imagination of a war-weary world. He said: “This is the war to end wars.� His dream for peace after World War I was shattered on the hard reality of great power politics. And Woodrow Wilson died a broken man.

Tonight, I do not tell you that the war in _______ is the war to end wars, but I do say this: I have initiated a plan which will end this war in a way that will bring us closer to that great goal to which -- to which Woodrow Wilson and every American President in our history has been dedicated -- the goal of a just and lasting peace.

As President I hold the responsibility for choosing the best path for that goal and then leading the nation along it.

I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.

Thank you and good night.